It helps that his opponent is labouring under the problems besetting most incumbent politicians paired with an almost Olympian disregard for the difficulties of ordinary mortals. But Poilievre also appears to have discovered answers to some of the questions British Tories are now asking themselves.
“He is very steadfast to the free market principles that served centre-right parties so well in the 1980s and 1990s but wants to apply them in ways that are more relevant to today’s problems,” says Ginny Roth, who was in charge of communications for Poilievre’s leadership campaign.
“He’s achieving that synthesis in a way that has so far eluded Republicans in the US and Conservatives in the UK.”
The key to Poilievre’s approach, Roth argues, is that he has remained committed to the belief that supply-side reforms are the best hope of growing the overall economic pie while being more open to discussions around how the pie is divided up.
For example, in the old battle of capital versus workers it is easier for those on the centre-right to come down on the side of capital. But, more often than not, Poilievre has instead championed workers.
He has, for example, supported legislation to ban replacement workers. He also refused to support new back-to-work rules that were proposed when Air Canada pilots threatened to go on strike, arguing that the national airline was underpaying its staff and should cough up.
However, this approach is still anchored in fiscal conservatism and free market principles. Poilievre is basically saying workers have the right to earn a decent wage and that’s been denied them because of rampant inflation caused by profligate public spending.
This balancing act relies on an acknowledgement that the present tough times are partly a consequence of globalisation and immigration-driven economic growth. Poilievre is looking to present himself as an economic liberal who is awake to the political moment.
“I would describe him as a free market realist rather than a neopopulist,” says Roth. His approach could serve as a model for Republicans in the post-Trump era and for the UK Conservatives looking to regain relevance.
The pugnacious Poilievre clearly won’t be everyone’s cup of tea. The verve with which he’s going after many of his country’s institutions – with promises to defund the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation and sack the central bank governor – could suggest Poilievre may be susceptible to anti-democratic notions about the will of the people that should give traditional Conservatives pause.
However, for now he appears to be pulling off the trick of persuading voters that he is competent, radical and attuned to the problems faced by ordinary people. That rare trifecta has delivered him to the cusp of electoral success. British Tories will be hard-pressed to find a better blueprint for their own recovery.